- Financial Reform Legislation Does Not Eliminate Too Big To Fail
- Into the Wayback Machine?
- Speaking of Biased Polls
- links for 2010-06-29
- Robert Shiller Says the Depression Scare is Back
- "On Blogs and Economic Discourse"
Posted: 30 Jun 2010 01:17 AM PDT
Financial reform legislation fails to remove an important advantage that large banks have over small banks:
If financial reform legislation passes in its present form, it will have positive features. It creates a relatively strong and independent consumer financial products protection agency, it forces most derivatives to be exchange traded or passed through clearinghouses -- though important exceptions remain -- and it provides regulators with resolution authority for large institutions in the shadow banking system. But overall, as with health care reform, the legislation is unsatisfactory in many ways -- it leaves much of the job yet to be done -- and it's not clear that Congress will have the will to follow through.
Posted: 30 Jun 2010 12:24 AM PDT
Brad DeLong wonders if we heading into the WABAC (or, "wayback") machine, and if we are, why we don't visit a better time period than 1937-1938:
Sometimes, if first you don't succeed try, try again is bad advice. Balancing the budget before the economy was ready to stand on its own didn't work last time we we trying to exit a severe recession, so why try the same thing again? The time to address budget issues will come, but that time is not here yet.
Some people get it -- too bad it's not the politicians in Congress:
Who Will Fight for the Unemployed?, Editorial, NY Times: Without doubt, the two biggest threats to the economy are unemployment and the dire financial condition of the states, yet lawmakers have failed to deal intelligently with either one.
Federal unemployment benefits began to expire nearly a month ago. Since then, 1.2 million jobless workers have been cut off. The House passed a six-month extension ... in May, but the Senate, despite three attempts, has not been able to pass a similar bill. The majority leader, Harry Reid, said he was ready to give up after the third try last week when all of the Senate's Republicans and a lone Democrat, Ben Nelson of Nebraska, blocked the bill.
Meanwhile, the states face a collective budget hole of some $112 billion, but neither the House nor the Senate has a plan to help. The House stripped a provision for $24 billion in state fiscal aid from its earlier spending bill. The Senate included state aid in its ill-fated bill to extend unemployment benefits; when that bill failed, the promise of aid vanished as well.
As a result, 30 states that had counted on the money to help balance their budgets will be forced to raise taxes even higher and to cut spending even deeper in the budget year that begins on July 1. That will only worsen unemployment... Worsening unemployment means slower growth, or worse, renewed recession.
So if lawmakers are wondering why consumer confidence and the stock market are tanking (the Standard & Poor's 500-stock index hit a new low for the year on Tuesday), they need look no further than a mirror.
The situation cries out for policies to support ... jobless benefits and fiscal aid to states. But instead of delivering, Congressional Republicans and many Democrats have been asserting that the nation must act instead to cut the deficit. The debate has little to do with economic reality and everything to do with political posturing. A lot of lawmakers have concluded that the best way to keep their jobs is to pander to the nation's new populist mood and play off the fears of the very Americans whose economic well-being Congress is threatening.
Deficits matter, but not more than economic recovery, and not more urgently than the economic survival of millions of Americans. A sane approach would couple near-term federal spending with a credible plan for deficit reduction — a mix of tax increases and spending cuts — as the economic recovery takes hold.
But today's deficit hawks — many of whom eagerly participated in digging the deficit ever deeper during the George W. Bush years — are not interested in the sane approach. In the Senate, even as they blocked the extension of unemployment benefits, they succeeded in preserving a tax loophole that benefits wealthy money managers... They also derailed an effort to end widespread tax avoidance by owners of small businesses organized as S-corporations. If they are really so worried about the deficit, why balk at these evidently sensible ways to close tax loopholes and end tax avoidance? ...
Congress leaves town on Friday for a weeklong break. What's needed, and what's lacking, is leadership, both in Congress and from the White House, to set the terms of the debate — jobs before deficit reduction — and to fight for those terms, with failure not an option.
Posted: 29 Jun 2010 11:34 PM PDT
Posted: 29 Jun 2010 11:05 PM PDT
Posted: 29 Jun 2010 12:15 PM PDT
Cutting government spending, raising taxes, raising interest rates, and hoping the rest of the world does the same as some have called for is not the answer to the threat of a depression. If people don't begin to see unemployment falling soon, or some strong signal that employment markets will improve soon, pessimism is going to build -- the optimism some people may have felt is fading and you can feel it building now, and that's one of Shiller's worries. Cutting monetary and fiscal stimulus at a time when people are becoming more pessimistic about the economy's prospects will make things worse, not better. As I've said before, and will continue saying so long as these misguided ideas persist, if anything, monetary and fiscal policy should be more aggressive right now.
Posted: 29 Jun 2010 10:08 AM PDT
Going back to the subject of modern macro and who should talk about it, and more particularly, the nature of discourse, I've been surprised to hear some critics of New Keynesian models -- those who have been quite critical of the discourse of their intellectual opponents -- explain that it's OK for them to be shrill, call the other side names, and so on because, you know, they're right and the other side is wrong. But I am going to leave that alone and try to turn the conversation elsewhere.
Rajiv Sethi says economics blogs are here to stay, and that's a good thing:
Conventional research is mostly backward looking. Academic economists look at an event like the 73-74 recession, ask what caused it, build models to try to understand it, and they try to find policies that would have worked better than the ones that were actually implemented at the time.
That's fine for many issues, but when big shocks hit the economy that do not fit into the standard models, there's no time to wait for academic economists to take their usual approach -- it can be several years or more before the research is complete.
This is one place blogs have an advantage. When the current crisis hit and economists looked into their tool boxes for models and policies that could effectively offset the problems we were seeing -- or at least explain what was happening -- we came up empty. The models weren't there and there was no time to wait before deciding what to do in terms of monetary and fiscal policy. Action was needed, that was clear, but without a model to rely upon, what type of action is best?
Suddenly, it was like being in an emergency room when a very sick patient shows up, and you are not quite sure what the cause is, or what to do about it. Blogs stepped in and began analyzing these issues in real time in a way conventional research never could have done. Online conversations among the best macroeconomists in the business, among others, were very helpful in understanding what was going on and in developing policy responses to it. Was it a solvency issue? A liquidity issue? Both? Should banks be nationalized, should we buy bad assets from them, should they be bailed out or allowed to fail, etc., etc., etc. There were so many answers that were needed and very little time to wait. The ability of blogs to step in and fill this void is a good and helpful development, one that the profession ought to embrace more than they have. It's not easy at all coming up with new theory and policy recommendations on the fly, especially when the answer is as important as it was -- the proper response could make a big difference in the outcome, and the wrong response could be devastating -- and blogs were very helpful in filling the void.
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